G. S. Ivanova (Saransk, Russia), N. V. Butylov (Moscow, Russia), N. V. Letkina (Saransk, Russia). Representation of Finno-Ugric vowel *a at the stem end in the Mordovian languages

Representation of Finno-Ugric vowel *a at the stem end in the Mordovian languages

Ivanova Galina S.,
Doctor of Philology, Professor, the Department of Mordovian Languages, Ogarev Mordovia State University (Saransk, Russia), galina17-05@yandex.ru

Butylov Nikolai V.,
Doctor of Philology, Professor, Department of Foreign Languages No. 3, Plekhanov Russian University of Economics (Moscow, Russia), butylovnv@rambler.ru

Letkina Nataliia V.,
Candidate Sc. {Philosophy}, Associate Professor, English Language Department for Professional Communication, Ogarev Mordovia State University (Saransk, Russia), letkinanv@mail.ru

Introduction. The aim of the article is to identify the article that corresponds to Finno-Ugric *а at the end of the stems in the Mordovian languages, as well as to identify patterns of phonetic changes. The subject of the study is the historical vowel *a of the end of the stem; the object is the Mordovian languages.
Materials and Methods. The material of the study is data collected from the etymological dictionaries of the Finno-Ugric languages, during dialectological expeditions, as well as from the works of prominent Finno-Ugric scholars. It also employs scientific, descriptive and comparative-historical methods.
Results and Discussion. Analysis of lexicographical sources has revealed that in the Mordovian languages (Moksha and Erzya) the development of the Finno-Ugric *a at the end of the stem has five main directions: 1) the original *a has been preserved in both Mordovian languages; 2) it was reduced in both languages; 3) in Moksha it is a reduced vowel in Erzya it is full [o]; 4) in a small group of words the vowel has been preserved in the Erzya language (though in a modified form) and in the Moksha language it fell out; 5) in the Erzya language have been preserved, in Moksha, there is a shifting articulation to the front row. Conservation of the quality of the Finno-Ugric *a of a non-initial syllable is likely due to the stress transition from the narrow vowel of the first syllable to the wide *a.
Conclusion. The vowel *a of a non-initial syllable has naturally been influenced by a reduction and was realized in sound [ă], which in the closed position of the syllable alternates with [ə] if in the first syllable there is the expanded correspondence of Finno-Ugric close vowel; ; there is a system as a broad upper rise vowel of a non-initial syllable followed by a combination of consonants; there is [u] < *o in the first syllable that retains stress, and there is a combination of consonants between the vowels of the first and second syllables. The falling out of final reduced [ă] < *a in a weak position after single consonants at the reflexes of original *a in the first syllable. Shifting articulation of *a to the front row is observed after palatinose consonant.

Key words: Finno-Ugric language; Mordovian languages; representation; vowel; first syllable; non-initial syllable; stem; phonetic position; reduced vowel.

For citation: Ivanova GS, Butylov NV, Letkina NV. Reprezentatsiia finno-ugorskogo *a kontsa osnovy v mordovskikh iazykakh [Representation of Finno-Ugric vowel *a at the stem end in the Mordovian languages]. Finno-ugorskii mir = Finno-Ugric World. 2017; 4: 21–27. (In Russian)

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